This
reflection is inspired by the fact that unlike refugees who flee their
countries because of sectarian or ethnic conflicts, Rohingya refugees just like
Anglophone Cameroonian refugees fled their respective countries because of the
rampaging actions of government forces.
The
views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not
necessarily reflect HillTop Voices Bamenda's editorial stance.
It is also informed by the fact that
while the military in Myanmar took the pretext of the border attack on a
Myanmar uniform officer by a Rohingya to descend on Rohingya to kill, maim,
arrest and brutalize any able bodied individual they found in the community,
the military in Cameroon also took the pretext of an attack on the military in
Jakiri, Bafut and Mamfe, to descend on Anglophone communities with reckless
abandon, living in their wake hundreds killed, maimed, arrested, and thousands
displaced. It is also inspired by the fact that just as the Rohingya crisis
dates back to centuries, with Myanmar government always claiming that the
Rohingyas are from Bangladesh descent and so should not enjoy full Myanmar
citizenship, the Anglophone Cameroon crisis dates back to the tampering of the
federal arrangement in 1972, and subsequent protest by Anglophone leadership of
their being treated as second class citizens by francophone led regimes. It
went to an extent that some francophones refer to Anglophones as Biafrans who
could as well go back to Nigeria if they are not comfortable with Cameroon.
Just like Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar President is heaving a sigh of relief that
the Rohingyas have finally left Myanmar back to their ancestry in Bangladesh,
Cameroon's President, Paul Biya may quietly be expression the same contentment.
For one thing, he knows and for a fact that none of the over 40 000 registered
refugees in camps in Nigeria constitute
any political capital for him. So it is good riddance they continue staying
with their Biafran brothers in Nigeria.
While
some 420,000 Rohingya Muslims, a religious and minority community in Myanmar,
have fled to neighbouring Bangladesh since August 2017, upwards of 40,000
Anglophone refugees fleeing violence in the two minority English speaking
Regions of Cameroon started fleeing to neighbouring Nigeria since September 22,
2017.
While
the Rohingya have been qualified by the United Nations as the most persecuted
minority group and described atrocities by Myanmar's authorities as ethnic
cleansing, a situation whereby one group removes another ethnic group through
violence, I dare qualify the Anglophone minority in Cameroon today, as Africa's
most persecuted minority group. You just need to listen to heartrending
accounts of fleeing survivors who tell you the names they have been called by
the rampaging francophone- dominated military. Just as the persecution of
Rohingya is not new or did not start in 2017,
so too is the persecution of Anglophone activists. If that of Rohingya
dates back to 1948, the year the country achieved independence from their
British colonizers, that of Anglophone Cameroonians dates back to 1961, the
year they decided to achieve independence by joining LA Republique due
Cameroon.
Just
like West Cameroon that was promised love, care and equality by the francophone
leadership at independence, the Rohingya in Myanmar had been promised an
autonomous state within Myanmar by the British before independence. Just like
the Rohingya who were instead called
foreigners by Myanmar after independence when they started asking for the
promised autonomy, West Cameroonians were also denied all the advantages
promised them by Ahidjo immediately after independence. As animosities
continued to grow, some within the francophone leadership in Cameroon saw
Anglophones as a nuisance, a people who were not grateful to have been allowed
to benefit from the wealth of larger Cameroon. Like the Rohingya, the more
Anglophones asked for their own fair share in the larger body polity, the more
they were treated as second class citizens.
Like
Anglophone activists who are today being referred to as terrorists, Rohingyas
were referred to by Myanmar government as Mujahid. As stated by Engy
Abdelkader, Rutgers University 2017 fellow, right up till now, the
international community has never agreed on how to define terrorism. Although
as she holds, the legal definition could vary by country as politics dictates
its contours, both Myanmar and Cameroon have found it difficult convincing the
international community that their freedom fighters are terrorists. As another
researcher, Ben Saul says, officials in a country can use its meaning as a weapon
against even valid political rivals and demands. One does not need to negotiate
the next bend before discovering that Cameroon and Myanmar governments have use
the meaning of terrorism as a weapon against valid political demands.
Just
like in 1962 where a military coup in Myanmar culminated in a one party
military state with democratic governance woefully lacking and worsening
for the Rohingyas, it could also be said that the 1972 abolishment of the
federal system of government in Cameroon by President Amadou Ahidjo and the
unilateral change of nomenclature of the country's name in 1984 by President
Biya from the United Republic of Cameroon to just Republic of Cameroon, also
saw things beginning to worsen for Anglophone Cameroonians. That single act ignited
nationalist identity feelings amongst Anglophone elites. Just like the 2017 Rohingya crisis where the
army killed, tortured and raped, the same scenario was text booked in
Anglophone Cameroon. In much the same way the Myanmar government had since independence
systematically transferred all the private Rohingya businesses to government
ownership, the various francophone-led governments in Yaoundé have since
independence, systematically transferred public West Cameroon profitable
structures to Yaoundé and Douala, or worked tirelessly to kill private and
flourishing businesses in Anglophone Cameroon. Cases abound, and not limited to
Marketing Board, Powercam, Air Transport, Wada Sum, Ombe, the Nanga Company,
and you name the rest. Like Rohingyas who, over the years have suffered from
systematic discrimination when it comes to employment into the public service,
arbitrary detention and physical abuse leading to so many escaping to
Bangladesh and other European and Western countries, Anglophone Cameroonians have
suffered same. In their frustration, those who could not afford to go further
afield found solace in neighbouring Nigeria. The more determined found
themselves in countries with jaw breaking names in the Middle and Far East,
Europe, Russia and America. Get to states in America and you actually see
colonies of Anglophone Cameroonians making the place community look like an
extension of a quarter in Bamenda or Buea. Just like in 1977, when authorities
in Myanmar launched a national drive to register citizens and considered
Rohingyas as foreigners, when authorities launch census or head count in
Cameroon they make sure real statistics of the growth of Anglophones are
doctored. In Myanmar, when Rohingyas protest and military come to molest them
and they flee to Bangladesh, Myanmar authorities point to their flight as
purported evidence of their illegal status and the fact that by fleeing to
Bangladesh means they are not Myanmar. In the same light, when clashes between
military and Anglophone activists push them to take up refuge in Nigeria,
authorities in Yaoundé point to their flight as evidence they are Biafra. Just
like the statelessness of Rohingya makes them defenseless in the face of
Myanmar military, the second class citizenship of Anglophone Cameroonians also
make them defenseless in the face of rampaging Cameroon military who now claim
to be fighting terrorists. Thousands of defenseless minority English speaking
Cameroon's are detained, molested, maimed and killed for their sports. The same
way flies are to wanton boys, so are Anglophone Cameroonians to the military.
As
Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh have been telling Human Rights Watch that
government forces carried out armed attacks, and burned down their homes, as
well as beheaded men, raped women and murdered children, same picture is being
painted by fleeing Anglophone refugees in Nigeria.
Like
in the case of the humanitarian catastrophe in Myanmar with Rohingya refugees
where the Army denies any wrongdoing, so too is the situation in Anglophone
Cameroon. Apart from government ministers taking turns to praise our military
for their professionalism, a military spokesman just two weeks ago issued a
disclaimer urging those claiming Cameroon military is carrying out exactions to
bring proof. Just like Myanmar's de facto leader, Aung San Suu Kyi shunning
criticism and refusing to acknowledge the plight of the Rohingya, Cameroon's
President Paul Biya has made no effort to recognize the plight of the thousands
of Anglophone refugees and the thousands of internally displaced.
The Muteff Boy's Take
The Muteff Boy's Take
By Colbert Gwain
Author
(most recent book; Bamenda source of inspiration for Modern Cameroon),
Columnist for The Voices Weekly Newspaper, Radio Host, Rights (internet,
girls, women and minority) Activist and Communication Consultant.